It happens every four years–some dispute about campaigns and their appropriation of specific songs at rallies, in ads, at conventions, etc. The newest dust-up involves Michele Bachman and her use of Tom Petty’s American Girl at rallies in Iowa and South Carolina.
Of course, one interesting dimension of these struggles involves the lyrics. In the chorus of American Girl, for example, Petty sings “Oh yeah, all right/Take it easy, baby/Make it last all night.” What exactly is the “it” that should last all night, and is “it” something Bachman wants associated with her campaign!?
Here’s an interesting article in the Washington Post about this campaign problem.
“The Fourth of July at Kansas City” is a piece of campaign rhetoric reflecting the belief of some voters in the 1900 elections that the Democratic Party is one of chaos, corruption, and insanity. William Jennings Bryan, the Democratic opponent of incumbent president (and winner of the 1900 elections) William McKinley, is notably featured in a prominent portrait on the right side of the cartoon as a threatening figure who poses a danger to the country. The first indication of the cartoonist’s belief that Bryan (and the Democratic Party as a whole) is unfit for the presidency is the top of the barrel in the back of the cartoon that has the “16:1” ratio written on it, the silver to gold ratio proposed for unlimited silver coinage. This is a reference to Bryan’s steadfast adherence to “free silver,” a movement to tie American currency to silver that Bryan insisted would bring about better economic times. Bryan’s adherence to free silver puzzled many voters because America’s use of the gold standard had brought about economic prosperity for three consecutive years under McKinley’s term, and the Gold Standard Act of 1900 was passed enacting this practice as law. Bryan’s stance as a Silverite made voters feel he was simply stubborn for refusing to budge from his clearly defunct position. In the words of Republican congressman Thomas Reed, “Bryan would rather be wrong than [be] president.” Evidently, the cartoonist agrees.
The issue of U.S. imperialism and the country’s military action in Cuba, the Philippines, and China is also on full display. On the platform are Carl Schurz, Edward Atkinson, and William Lloyd Garrison Jr, vice-presidents of the Anti-Imperialist League, and Emilio Aguinaldo, leader of the Filipino rebels fighting the US. Prior to the 1900 elections, McKinley’s term was marked by wars characterized by many American voters as imperialist. American military involvement in Cuba and the Philippines was a major issue of contention on the campaign trail, an issue McKinley would later examine in what I consider to be the final piece of 1900 campaign rhetoric, McKinley’s Inaugural address. The author of this particular cartoon evidently rebukes these accusations, instead choosing to paint anti-imperialists in the same negative light as the crazy socialists and Silverites in the background.
Admiral George Dewey (left), the man responsible for capturing the Spanish Manila Bay colony in the Philippines, is also present on the platform. It is no mistake that Dewey is present standing next to Bryan’s menacing portrait: Dewey was previously in the running for the presidency until he made a fool of himself by declaring the role of president to be “easy.” Predictably, Dewey was mocked for his statement and quickly disregarded as a serious nominee for President due to his obvious lack of political experience. Placing him next to Bryan leads the viewer to believe the same fate awaits him, a sort of guilt by association. Emilio Aguinaldo’s (right) presence also paints Bryan as a traitor to his country, souring his reputation in the eyes of viewers. A banner in the upper left of the cartoon espousing Aguinaldo to be “a true democrat” solidifies the cartoonist’s intent, painting a sort of scarlet letter on the whole of the Democratic Party. The banner to the right of Aguinaldo’s states, “we express our sympathy with the boxers.” This refers to the Boxer rebellion, a protest by a group of Chinese against America’s presence in the country which was suppressed by American troops acting on McKinley’s orders. With the Boxer rebellion ongoing at the time of this cartoon’s publishing, the statement is treasonous and reflects poorly on Bryan’s character.
In addition to Bryan’s anti-imperialism, he was widely opposed to trusts and made his opposition to big business associations a key element of his campaigning. Supporters of McKinley, though, pointed to the hypocrisy of Bryan’s stance given the involvement of some of his key supporters in trusts and big business activities. The cartoonist depicts this hypocrisy with his drawing of a large block of ice labeled “Tammany Ice Trust” in the middle of the cartoon, as well as a banner in the upper left-hand corner of the cartoon stating “down with the ice trusts.” At the time, Augustus Van Wyck, New York Mayor Robert Van Wyck, and what looks to be John Carroll, the men encased in the block of ice, were associates of Tammany Hall, a political machine backing Bryan for president. During Bryan’s campaign Tammany Hall was embroiled in a scandal over New York City’s “ice trust,” and its support of Bryan calls his positions and character into question. The presence of Chicago Mayor Carter Harrison II and the sign he holds (“Wide Open Chicago,” referring to the lawlessness engendering the city’s political corruption) doesn’t help Bryan’s campaign, either.
Ultimately, this cartoon is a very powerful piece of campaign rhetoric in that it argues the viewpoints of Bryan’s opponents and exhibits the events and controversies surrounding his campaign. It is a snapshot of the political climate of the time and a reminder of why Bryan failed in his efforts to gain the vote in 1900.
IMAGE (and information): http://elections.harpweek.com/1900/cartoon-1900-Medium.asp?UniqueID=21&Year=1900
The election of 1932 was a landslide victory for Democrats, who seated Franklin D. Roosevelt in the as the 32nd President of the United States. Roosevelt won the popular and electoral votes, holding 57.41% and 88.9% of the votes respectively. However, there was not much time, or money, for celebration, given the nation was in the worst of the Great Depression. Unemployment was peaking at 25%, war was expanding in Asia and Europe, and Roosevelt’s New Deal Program was being put to the test. To revive the faith of the American people he needed to stay in their good graces.
Unlike his predecessor, Herbert Hoover, Roosevelt did not outline specifically, or in detail, what his plans for the country were and instead chose to keep the public at a relative distance, all while keeping them close. Though this seems contradictory, it was made possible by the President’s friendly relations with the media and his style of speaking; an often ambiguous, yet optimistic and authoritative, yet humorous tone. Roosevelt also utilized the radio, an up-and-coming mass media technology, which allowed him to access citizens immediately, while in the comfort of their own homes. In fact, after his first inaugural address in November 1933, he utilized the radio to have “Fireside Chats” with the American people. This gave citizens the feeling that they were getting to know Roosevelt and his policies personally. He spoke simply; in order to explain what he was going to do and to prove that what he was doing was right. Such stylistic components, as well as his fearlessness in adapting to new times and technologies gave Roosevelt an edge not only in the 1932 election, but also in his presidential and international career.
In his nomination address, Roosevelt outlines this attitude on challenging the status quo. He states, “Let it also be symbolic that I broke traditions. Let it be from now on the tradition of our Party to break foolish traditions.” Such a call to action is ‘unprecedented and unusual,’ however it was clear that the traditional approaches to presidency were not working to alleviate the burdens of the Great Depression. Throughout the speech Roosevelt speaks in a very forward tone. It is simple, yet matter-of-fact, showing he stands firmly and is conscious of the goals and progress he wants to make.
Roosevelt speaks with intelligence and competence, but also keeps the common man in mind, thus ensuring his clarity: “Let us look a little at the recent history and simple economics, the kind of economics that you and I and the average man and woman talk.” He puts himself on par with other normal citizens, again making himself seemingly available for others to access. Roosevelt also constantly, and continuously, references the audience as “My friends;” doing so give insight on his appeals to the public and reminds them that they are a priority.
The interdependence of people on each other and of people working together paints a hopeful view for the future, and in conclusion Roosevelt pledges for a new deal. Furthermore, he insinuates that “This is more than a political campaign; it is a call to arms. Give me your help, not to win votes alone, but to win in this crusade to restore American to its own people.” Using a religious metaphor, such as a crusade, insinuates that the problem and solution to the country’s problems are far bigger than any one person, in fact they are divine and that the fight to regain American is a fight to regain the Promised Land.
Roosevelt’s nomination address set the tone for the Democrat’s campaign, looking back, it almost seems reminiscent of a pep talk in that it breathes life into the party, refocusing on specific goals, in addition to setting a firm, progressive tone, not only for the campaign, but the presidency.
Once elected into office Roosevelt moved quickly to put the New Deal into action and reminds American’s that it is his “firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself- nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.” With this famous speech, he revitalizes people’s spirits and there is a brief moment of prosperity, before another recession, and the ensuing Second World War.
President Roosevelt’s victory in the election of 1932 was a landslide, in part because of the failures of the Republican leaders, but also because of Roosevelt’s ability to evoke an optimism from the American people, always speaking in a spirited, firm tone to his listeners, comforting them and guiding them, even through his last days.
1932 Presidential General Election Results.” Dave Leip’s Atlas of U.S. Presidential Elections. Web. 15 June 2011. http://uselectionatlas.org/RESULTS/national.php?year=1932.
”Fireside Chats of Franklin D. Roosevelt.” MHRIC Home Page. Web. 15 June 2011. http://www.mhric.org/fdr/fdr.html.
”The Presidents.” The White House. Web. 15 June 2011. http://www.whitehouse.gov/about/presidents.
”Roosevelt’s Nomination Address, 7/2/32.” New Deal Network. Web. 15 June 2011. http://newdeal.feri.org/speeches/1932b.htm.
The 1980 presidential election was between Ronald Reagan and George H. W. Bush for the Republican Party, Jimmy Carter and Walter Mondale for the Democratic Party, and John Anderson and Patrick Lucey for the Independent Party. The election featured many television ads to support the two main candidates and seemed to be a serious and competitive race. The outcome of the election demonstrated otherwise however; the contest was not even close with Reagan getting 489 electoral votes and 44 states. Carter was left with six states as well as DC while Anderson, as a rather insignificant contender, won none.
What was the reason that allowed Reagan to win this by incredible a margin of victory? There were several contributing factors that led voters to go with Reagan as opposed to Carter. First were the issues within the Unites States at the time. The country was facing a period of low economic growth, high inflation, and high interest rates. These problems at home were only more depressing when seen alongside the problems abroad. At the time of the election, the United States was in the midst of a prolonged international entanglement with Iran. These were problems that the Carter administration had inherited from the 1970s persisted, leaving the American people a general feeling of dissatisfaction and hopelessness. Because Carter had been unable to resolve these problems, the American people lost faith in his ability to competently run the country. This was a major factor in Reagan’s landslide victory.
There were other factors as well however that contributed to Reagan’s victory besides these political factors such as the historical and social factors of the Great Depression. The current economic situation in the United States at the time of the 1980 election can be traced back to its roots in the Great Depression of the 1930s. During the Great Depression, Franklin D. Roosevelt had instituted the New Deal, a program designed to pull the country out of the Depression by expanding governmental control over almost every aspect of the economy. The entire purpose of this program was government control, government run, government-in-charge. Roosevelt wanted the government to be the primary agent to lead the country back to its greatness before the banking crisis and the Depression and employed a great amount of rhetoric to establish this governmental authority. Therefore, the American people became reliant on the government to solve their problems, exactly as Roosevelt wanted them to. Reagan however did not agree with this philosophy of government as he also had previously pointed out in a speech he gave in 1964 endorsing Barry Goldwater entitled “A Time for Choosing.” Reagan was not a proponent of big government and wanted to reduce the extent of the government’s influence but also re-instill the sentiment of self empowerment among the American people.
This goal was specifically mentioned in his address at the Neshoba County Fair when Reagan said that he wanted to “Bring back the recognition that the people of this country can solve the problems, that we don’t have anything to be afraid of as long as we have the people of America.” Reagan then went on to specifically detail his intentions to accomplish this goal of reducing the size and limit the influence of the federal government such as giving the states more power or turning responsibility over to the American people. This point can be seen as Reagan’s most significant point because he spent the longest amount of time talking about this than any other topic mentioned.
As a whole, this speech exhibits stylistic features which are particularly characteristic of Reagan. Reagan’s method of giving speeches was somewhat more like a conversation with his audience more than a presentation given to them. His speeches also typically featured many stories of his personal life and experience. This speech was no different. This style led him to have a very intimate feel and is most similar to the sweet style exemplified by Bill Clinton. Clinton however used many “you” or second person constructions while Reagan used a combination of “you” and “we” constructions.
All in all however, this speech allowed Reagan to demonstrate why he was a better candidate than Carter, specifically mention some of his intentions regarding policy were he to take office, as well as continue to build a personable rapport between he and his audience by using a very personable style.
Frum, David. How We Got Here: The ’70s. Basic Books (2000), New York: New York. 292.
Reagan, Ronald. Speech at the Neshoba County Fair. 3 Aug, 1980.http://neshobademocrat.com/main.asp?SectionID=2&SubSectionID=297&ArticleID=15599&TM=60417.67.
Reagan, Ronald. “A Time for Choosing.” 27 Oct 1964. http://www.reagan.utexas.edu/archives/reference/timechoosing.html.
In the election of 1936, incumbent Franklin D. Roosevelt ran against Republican candidate, Alf Landon, Governor of Kansas, in what came to be known as one of the nation’s most “lopsided” elections. Franklin D. Roosevelt, the Democratic candidate, won all states except for the states of Maine and Vermont. By winning 523 electoral votes, Roosevelt received 98.49% of the electoral vote, the highest percentage since 1820. One of the largest victories in popular votes of the time, FDR’s 1936 re-election was and is, to this day, one of the largest popular vote majorities.
The United States was nearing the eighth year of the Great Depression, and FDR was “working to push the provisions of his New Deal economic policy through Congress and through the courts.” Predictions were made that the 1936 election could be a close call because the United States was still on its long and challenging journey of turning the economy around in times of turmoil and hardship. The hope and forward-thinking of Franklin D. Roosevelt, however, inspired the American people enough to keep their faith in him as President. In the midst of signing and moving forward with the New Deal, FDR seemed to be a promising light of optimism for those seeking work, for those hungering to survive and for those hanging on by one last thread.
Throughout his campaign for re-election, Roosevelt stuck to the phrase, “Forward with Roosevelt.” Its simplistic message seemed to have power, deep meaning and promises for a hopeful future. The New Deal that had started taking effect in FDR’s first term as President, seemed to cover the basic needs and concerns of the American People, and Roosevelt’s campaign for re-election certainly used this legislation and its promised effects at the focal point of the campaign. As many historians seem to state, the New Deal offered the “3 R’s: Relief, Recovery and Reform”—relief for the unemployed and poor, recovery of the economy to normal levels and reform of the financial system to prevent a repeat depression. The New Deal created social and governmental agencies, worked to re-establish the people’s trust in currency and created large governmental projects, in turn creating jobs for thousands of people. The New Deal had begun to put into place such entities as the Works Projects Administration (WPA), the National Youth Administration (NYA), the Public Works Administration (PWA), the Federal Emergency Relief Administration and so many more. “It was the first time that Americans thought of their government as a solution to the problems that individuals and society at large were experiencing,” says Jean Edward Smith, a political science professor at Marshall University.
It was said that people either loved or hated Franklin D. Roosevelt. The press, from an early standpoint, did not seem to favor Roosevelt, and instead, gave equal footing to the candidates. Over the course of the campaign, however, Roosevelt did tend to draw more media attention, stories and coverage. The 1936 Election was the first time presidential candidates appeared on television, even though most Americans at the time did not own a television set. Progress had begun during FDR’s first term as President, and so, the people felt a kind of connection to FDR, who had been by their side since the beginning. FDR’s fireside chats on the radio (the first of its kind by any President) kept the American people informed about the decisions being made and the direction in which the federal government intended to go. This use of technology to reach out to the people made an impact, far beyond any kind of impact that FDR’s opponent could ever try to promise in his campaign. It was also the first year that the majority of African American voters voted for the Democratic candidate. In the past, African American voters tended to vote for the party of Lincoln, the Republicans, because it was under the Republicans that they received their very right to vote. In the end, however, the charisma and hopeful outlook of FDR must have won over the American people at a time when faith was falling apart in the country and in the government. There must have been enough positive work done by FDR in his first campaign election to convince the people that they would continue “Forward with Roosevelt.”
After the assassination of President William McKinley in 1901, Theodore Roosevelt ascended to the presidency, and eventually become the first “accidental” president to win a second term for the presidency on his own accord.
Now a candidate for his second term, Roosevelt was in a position that especially required him to prove that he was capable of gathering his own support in order win the presidential election that year. Although he eventually entered into the presidency, The Republican Party had no intentions of ever selecting Roosevelt to be president. Republican leaders had nominated him to run for vive president with William McKinley in 1900 as an effort to remove him from the troubles that he was causing them in his governorship of New York, where he has been elected in 1898. When McKinley died, the 41-year-old Roosevelt would become the youngest man to ever assume the presidency.
Roosevelt’s ascendance into the presidency did not come without disdain. Upon his entrance to the presidency, Republican politician Marc Hanna was reported to say “ I told William McKinley that it was a mistake to nominate that wild man at Philadelphia…I asked him that if he realized what would happen if he should die. Now look, that damned cowboy is president of the United States.”
Although cowboy may have been only one of the many ways to describe the multi faceted and charismatic president, Roosevelt did indeed bring a new energy to the presidency. His experience in both the military and pioneering in the West brought a sense of coolness and personality that very few presidents since his presidency have been able to embody.
In 1904 Roosevelt would run for reelection. Although Roosevelt was popularly perceived as the more charismatic candidate among his competition, the Democratic opposition promoted themselves as the “sane and safe choice,” and they attacked the Roosevelt administration for being “spasmodic, erratic, sensational, spectacular, and arbitrary.” Roosevelt picked Senator Charles W. Fairbanks of Indiana, a conservative Republican for his running mate. Roosevelt would later be questioned for this decision considering the fact that he views as very liberal and charismatic, contrary to his reserved and conservative running mate.
The Democratic picked two conservatives, Judge Alton B. Parker, from New York, and eighty-one-year-old Henry G. Davis. Davis, a wealthy ex-senator from Virginia was the oldest man to ever run for the vice-presidency.
The race was predicted to be close, considering that there was not a huge divide in the way that the Republican and Democratic candidates stood on the major issued of time. Personality was the major difference between the two. Both Roosevelt and Parker were for the gold standard, and although the Democrats were more outspoken against the issue of imperialism, both parties did not support it. They also both were for the rights of labor unions to be treated as citizens and the fair treatment and eventual liberation of Filipinos from American control.
1904 would also be the first year that the Socialist party would run in an election. The Socialist Party of America at the time was a coalition of parties that was based on industrial cities with strong ties to ethnic communities that often worked in labor during the time period, such as the German and the Finish. The party elected Eugene Victor Debs for the presidency and Benjamin Hanford was elected for the Vice Presidency.
During the election campaign Roosevelt would ask voters to support his square deal policies. “Square Deal” referred to domestic programs that focused on three ideas. These ideas were the conversation of natural resources, control of corporations and consumer protection. His opposition would challenge Roosevelt on his anti trust policies and for accepting contributions from big business.
On August 6, 1904, Harpers Weekly magazine would feature a cartoon about the 1904 campaign titled “Keeping Cool.” Harpers Weekly was an American was political magazine that was based in New York City. It was published by the Harper Brothers and discussed many different subjects. Until the mid 1800s newspapers were primarily text, but in the late 1850’s Harpers pioneered a new process that enabled the inclusion of illustrations with text. This development arrived around the time of the Civil War and quickly changed the way that the American people saw the war that was taking places in their very own backyards. This inclusion of illustration in the magazine made Harpers Weekly very popular. It ran from 1857 to 1916 and featured domestic news, fiction, essays and humor.
In “Keeping Cool,” the cartoonist William Allen Rogers would challenge the compatibility of the 1904 Republican ticket. In the cartoon, the pair is depicted as incompatible. Prior to Roosevelt’s nomination for Republican candidate, many Republicans felt him to be too liberal for the ticker. Some of these attitudes are even depicted in the cartoon. In the cartoon the artists shows Fairbanks, frozen in a block of ice. He is cramped and closed in the block of ice, while Roosevelt looking vey cowboyish in his Rough Riders uniform is sitting on top of the ice shivering from the cold. The warmness and charisma of Theodore Roosevelt clad in his uniform is a start contrast to the cold and conservative Fairbanks.
By November 8, 1904 Roosevelt and Fairbanks would live by a landslide. Roosevelt would win 56.45 of the popular vote and receive more than 2 ½ million popular votes. No president before that time had won by such a margin. Roosevelt would prove to maintain such popularity throughout his presidency and even was said to regret his decision to promise not to run again after his reelection into office. After winning the election, Roosevelt would state, “ I am no longer a political accident.”
In time the implications of his policies and presidency would prove that there was definitely no mistake about that “damned cowboy” becoming president. He most certainly proved to be a man of the people.
1848 was an eventful year in American history; the Mexican-American War was ending, the Gold Rush was introduced, the issue of slavery was being widely disputed, women began discussing their rights for the first time, and the Whig party was taking a political lead (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1848). The presidential election of Zachary Taylor, over Lewis Cass and Martin Van Buren, was allegedly based on his “national appeal as a war hero.” Taylor was known for his involvement in the Mexican-American War and caught the hearts of American people as being a “nationalist” man of his country (http://millercenter.org/academic/americanpresident/taylor/essays/biography/3).
Taylor’s military involvement of the Mexican-American war the primary foundation of his political campaign; it was essentially his only form of (non-Aristotelian) ethos. Taylor’s ethos was established mainly though his social character; people knew him as a war hero. Americans were not concerned with Taylor’s Aristotelian ethos, or establishing credibility throughout his speeches, because they already knew who he was and respected him. This was made clear in the fact that Taylor did not fully identify with any political party. He only promised to “serve” his country. He said’ “”I have no private purpose to accomplish, no party objectives to build up, no enemies to punish—nothing to serve but my country” (http://www.scmidnightflyer.com/zac.html). Taylor was attempting to win the hearts of his audience by using Kenneth Burke’s Theory of identification; he was identifying himself with the audience by identifying his ways with theirs. He was communicating to be like his audience (http://blog.umd.edu/tpg/comm-401-spring-2011/powerpoint-presentations-comm-401/). This idea is also made clear with his presidential campaign poster.
The poster depicts a, military dressed, Taylor on top of a white horse, in between two columns topped with lady justice and lady peace. The columns are wrapped with cloths that say the words “Palo Alto”, “Monterey”, and “Buena Vista”, all terms of Taylor’s successes in the Mexican-American War. There is a dove with an olive branch flying atop Taylor’s head, marking a symbol of peace (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Peace_symbols). And finally, there is a huge log at his feet that have the letters “UNION” on it. This poster was made to appeal to any American of the time. It incites an overwhelming feeling of peace, justice, and liberty. Although it could be interpreted as a Whig poster because of the “UNION” log, (and Whigs were pro-union) Taylor was probably attempting to reach out to all Americans. The fact that he was not fully affiliated with any political party, made it easier for him to attract all types of people for his audience. Because of his military involvement, Taylor refused to claim any political party, and rarely voted. He essentially ran with “no platform” and was publicly criticized for doing so (http://millercenter.org/academic/americanpresident/taylor/essays/biography/3).
This political cartoon plays on this issue of Taylor’s lack of platform with the topic of slavery; one of the biggest issues of the time. Because America had just recently acquired the Western states, the “Wilmot Proviso, a controversial bill prohibiting slavery in the western lands,” was recently enacted and created lots of debate over the issue (http://millercenter.org/academic/americanpresident/taylor/essays/biography/3). The South wanted to get rid of it while the North wanted to keep it in place. Taylor, wanting to appeal to all audiences, did not directly promise anything except “he hinted that if elected President, he might not veto” the bill (http://millercenter.org/academic/americanpresident/taylor/essays/biography/3).
The cartoon depicts the hot issue of slavery as a pull between the three parties. Taylor, pulling the cow’s tail on the left, is saying “I don’t stand on the Whig Platform, I ask no favor and shrink from responsibility.” Van Buren, milking the cow, says “I go in for the free soil, Hold on Cass, don’t let go Taylor. (That’s the cream of the Joke).” And Cass, holding the cow by the horns, says “Matty is at his old tricks again and going in for the Spoils old Zach, and myself will get nothing but skim milk” (http://hdl.handle.net/10088/2413). The cow most likely represents slavery. This was most likely a political cartoon offered by the free-soil party. It makes fun of Taylor and Cass. Van Buren was the free-soil party candidate and was pro-slavery. Cass was the Democratic candidate and was in favor of popular sovereignity (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lewis_Cass).
But, in the end, it proved useless as the underdog party won. Because James K. Polk was the president before Taylor, the country assumed the Democrats would win again. Polk brought the country out of war and the Democrats seemingly had the upper hand (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_K._Polk). But, Taylor and the Whigs’ use of coalescent argumentation brought the country together and appealed to the majority of American citizens. Taylor made the country feel like he was just like them. He used Burke’s theory of identification and successfully convinced voters that he was one of them. He further maintained this character by saying, “The idea that I should become President seems to me too visionary to require a serious answer. It has never entered my head, nor is it likely to enter the head of any other person.” (http://www.scmidnightflyer.com/zac.html). Taylor was an All American Man who successfully used his military persona to become president.